THE DOWNFALL OF ANGRIA
In the beginning of 1754, the Dutch suffered a severe loss at Toolajee'shands. A vessel loaded with ammunition was taken, and two large ships wereblown up after a stiff fight, in which Toolajee had two three-masted grabssunk and a great number of men killed. Sixmonths later, Toolajee sent anagent to Bombay to propose terms of accommodation. They were terms towhich a conciliatory answer, atleast, would have been returned in ConajeeAngria's time. The Council's replybetrays a consciousness of increasedstrength. "Can you imagine that the English will ever submit to takepasses of any Indian nation? This they cannot do. We grant passes, butwould take none from anybody." Toolajee was told that if he was in earnestin desiring peace, he should return the vessels he had taken, and send menof figure and consequence to treat, instead of the obscure individual
through whom his overtures had come. In spite of this peremptory reply,
Toolajee continued to make half-hearted proposals for peace. The fact wasthat he was now at open war with the Peishwa, who had made himself masterof the Concan, with the exception of the coastline. According to Orme,Toolajee had cut off the noses of the agents sent by the Peishwa to demandthe tribute formerly paid to Satara. The Poonah Durbar were so incensedagainst him that they were determined on his destruction, though withoutthe assistance of the English they had little expectation of successagainst his coast fortresses. The Bombay Council was ready enough to joinin the undertaking, but was unwilling to take immediate action. Thisunwillingness was apparently due to their desire to see order firstrestored in Surat, where affairs had fallen into great disorder in thegeneral break-up of Mogul rule.
The Mahratta Court at Poona had been close observers of the long war wagedin the Carnatic between the English and French. They had seen Madras taken,only to be regained by diplomacy, and after the English had been foiled atPondicherry. They had witnessed the rise of French power under Dupleix;rulers deposed and others set up, in the Deccan and the Carnatic, byFrench arms; and then, when Mahomed Ali, the rightful ruler of theCarnatic, was at his last gasp, they had seen his cause espoused by theEnglish, and one humiliation after another inflicted on French armies,till at last the French were forced to recognize Mahomed Ali's title,while a powerful English squadron and a King's regiment had been sent outto make good the claim. The good relations established between thePeishwa's government and Bombay by the treaty of 1739, had beenstrengthened since the arrival of Mr. Richard Bourchier, as Governor, in1750; the fighting in the Carnatic had raised the military reputation of
the English, while their support of Mahomed Ali, whom the Mahrattas styled'their master,' had greatly increased the esteem in which they were held.
When it was definitely known that hostilities between the English and
French were at an end, Ramajee Punt, the Sirsoobah of the Concan, was
dispatched to Bombay to concert measures against Toolajee. Mr. Bourchierwas urged to summon the King's ships from Madras to co-operate with the
Peishwa's forces.
To await the arrival of Watson's squadron from Madras would have lost thefavourable season before the monsoon, so it was determined to fit out atonce what ships were in the harbour, and send them under Commodore WilliamJames. Articles of agreement were drawn up, by which it was settled thatSeverndroog, Anjanvel, and Jyeghur should be attacked by the Mahrattas,while the English engaged to keep the sea, and prevent Toolajee's fleet
from throwing succours into the places attacked. A division of the spoilsbetween the victors was agreed on, by which the English were to receiveBankote and Himmutghur, with five villages, in perpetual sovereignty. ThePeishwa's fleet was to be under James's orders, and he was instructed togive all the assistance in his power, but not to lend any of his people,except a few to point the guns.
Very little is accurately known of James's career before his entry into
the East India Company's service. He was born in Pembrokeshire in humblecircumstances, and went to sea at an early age. According to one account,he served in Hawke's ship, but, wherever his training was received, it hadmade him a first-rate seaman. In 1747, he entered the Company's marineservice, being then about twenty-six years of age.
In 1751, he sailed from England in command of the _Guardian_ sloop, one ofthe two men-of-war built by the Directors for the protection of Bombaytrade. His services against the coast pirates, during the nexttwo years,procured his advancement to the post of Commodore at Bombay, and it wassoon remarked that the sailing of the Protector, on which his flag wasnow hoisted, had greatly improved by the changes he had made. By hiscapture of Severndroog, now to be related, he became famous. He played hispart at the capture of Gheriah, and, in the following year, when the newsof the disaster at Calcutta became known in Bombay, he was sent down inthe Revenge, with four hundred men, to join the force sent up fromMadras under Watson and Clive. Off Calicut he encountered the French shipIndien, carrying twenty-four guns and over two hundred men, and captured
her. He afterwards joined the board of Directors, was created a baronet,had a seat in Parliament, and, in time, became chairman of the Company.Sterne, in the last year of his life, formed a close friendship with Mr.and Mrs. James, and, a few days before he died, recommended hisdaughterLydia to their care.
On the 22nd March, 1755, James sailed from Bombay in the _Protector_,
forty guns, having with him the _Swallow_, sixteen guns, the _Viper_
bombketch, and the _Triumph_ prahm. The following day, he sighted an
Angrian squadron of seven grabs and eleven gallivats, which he chased fora couple of hours without success. Two days later, he was joined off Chaulby the Peishwa's fleet, consisting of seven grabs, two batellas, and aboutforty gallivats. To James's annoyance, he found his allies in no hurry toget on. Twice they insisted on landing, lingering for over three days inone place. On the 29th, Severndroog was sighted, and Angria's fleet ofseven grabs and ten gallivats was observed coming out. The signal to chasewas made, but obeyed with little alacrity by the Peishwa's people, thoughexperience had shown that they could outsail the Bombay ships. James gavechase with his little squadron, his Mahratta allies being left, by evening,hull down, astern. The Angrians made prodigious exertions to escape,
hanging out turbans and clothing to catch every breath of air. All thefollowing day the ineffectual chase continued, the _Protector_ outsailingits own consorts, and losing sight altogether of its Mahratta allies.Finding it useless to persevere, James hauled his wind, and stood to thenorthward for Severndroog, which he had left far behind in the chase. Herehe found Ramajee Punt, who had landed a few men, and entrenched himself atabout two miles from the nearest fort, with a single four-pounder gun.
The harbour of Severndroog[1] is formed by a slight indentation in the
coast and a small rocky islet about a quarter of a mile from the mainland,on which was the Severndroog fort, with walls fifty feet high, and, inmany places, parapets cut out of the solid rock; the whole armed withabout fifty guns. On the mainland, opposite to Severndroog, was anotherfort. Fort Gova, armed with, about forty-four guns, while southwards ofGova were two smaller forts on a small promontory, Futteh Droog and Kanak
Droog, armed with twenty guns each.
James at once saw that the reduction of the different forts by the
Peishwa's troops would be a matter of months, even if he was able to keepout succours from the sea, which the monsoon would render impossible; so,in spite of the Council's orders, he resolved on taking matters into hisown hands. He had been brought up in a good school, and knew that, tomatch a ship against a fort with success, it was necessary to get ascloseas possible, and overpower it with weight of metal. After taking thenecessary soundings, on the 2nd April he stood in to four-fathom water,taking with him the Viper and Triumph, and bombarded Severndroog fort
The Mahratta fleet gave no assistance, so the Swallowwas detached to
guard the southern entrance. All day long the cannonade continued, till aheavy swell setting into the harbour, in the evening, obliged a cessationof fire. The fort fired briskly in return, but did little damage; whilethe Mahratta fleet lay off out of range, idle spectators of the conflict.
At night came Ramajee Punt on board the Protector, bringing with him a
deserter from the fort, who reported that the Governor had been killed anda good deal of damage done. He told them that it was impossible to breachthe side on which the Protector's fire was directed, as it was all solidrock.
In the morning, the _Protector_ weighed and ran in again, James placing
his ships between Severndroog and Gova. The flagship engaged Severndroog
so closely that, by the small arm fire of men in the tops, and by firingtwo or three upper-deck guns at a time instead of in broadsides, theSeverndroog gunners were hardly able to return a shot. With her lower-deckguns on the other side the Protector cannonaded the mainland forts,which also received the attention of the Viper and Triumph. It wouldbe difficult to find a parallel to this instance of a single ship and twobombketches successfully engaging four forts at once, that far outnumberedthem in guns; but so good were James's arrangements that neither his shipsnor his men suffered harm. Soon after midday a magazine exploded inSeverndroog; the conflagration spread, and, before long, men, women, andchildren were seen taking to their boats, and escaping to the mainland.
Numbers of them were intercepted and taken by the _Swallow_ and the
Mahratta gallivats. The bombardment of the mainland forts was continued
till night, and resumed the following morning, till about ten o'clock,
when all three hauled down their colours. Thus, in forty-eight hours, did
James by his vigorous action reduce this Angrian stronghold that was
second only to Gheriah in strength. The Mahrattas were never slow at
seizing any advantage that had been won by others, as was shown a few
months later at Gheriah; but on this occasion they were so struck by
James's intrepidity that they refused to enter Gova without him. The
English flag was hoisted in all three forts, amid the cheers of the
English sailors. It was then found that, by mismanagement, the Governor of
Gova had been allowed to escape over to Severndroog, and gallantly
reoccupied it, with a small body of sepoys, hoping to hold out till
assistance could reach him from Dabul. So the _Protector's_ guns were setto work again, and, under cover of their fire, a party of seamen was
landed, who hewed open the sally port with their axes and made themselvesmasters of the fort. Thus, in a few hours, and withoutlosing a single man,had "the spirited resolution of Commodore James destroyed the timorousprejudices which had for twenty years been entertained of theimpracticability of reducing any of Angria's fortified harbours."
The whole success of the expedition had been due to James, and the
Peishwa's officers ungrudgingly acknowledged the fact, as well as the badbehaviour of their own people. "I have learnt with particular satisfactionthat the fleet your Honor sent to the assistance ofRamajee Punt have bytheir courage and conduct reduced Severndroog, the suddenness of whichtranscends my expectations; and I allow myselfincapable of sufficientlycommending their merit," wrote the Peishwa's Commander-in-Chief toBourchier. Ramajee Punt wrote in similar terms, and sent a dress of honourto James. In their elation, the Peishwa's officers wished to complete the
destruction of Angria without delay. Bankote was surrendered to them
without firing a shot, and a demonstration was made against Rutnaghiri.
But the Council was cautious, and forbade James to risk his ships. The
Mahrattas offered him two lakhs of rupees if he would support them in
attacking Dabul, but he dared not exceed his orders again, and returned to
Bombay. The success of a second _coup-de-main_ could not be relied on, and
a repulse would have restored Toolajee's drooping spirits, and made futuresuccess more difficult. The soldiers Bombay had lent to Madras were nolonger required, so James was sent there in the _Protector_, to bring themback after the monsoon.
In the end of October, an unexpected accession of force, from England,
reached Bombay. In the suspension of arms that had been concluded at
Madras between the English and French, Carnatic affairs alone were made
the subject of agreement. Bussy, with a French force, remained in the
Deccan, engaged in extending the Nizam's influence, a proceeding that was
viewed with alarm by the Peishwa. With the object of expelling the French
from the Deccan, the English Government sent out to Bombay a force of
seven hundred men, to act against Bussy, in concert with the Mahratta
Government. The command was to be taken by Lieutenant-Colonel Scott, the
Company's engineer-general at Madras. The Directors had also sent Clive to
Bombay to act as second in command to Scott. But Scott had died, in the
mean time, and the Doddington, East Indiaman, bringing the Directors'
instructions to the Bombay Council, had been wrecked near the Cape. Beforethe middle of November, Watson's squadron arrived, in furtherance of theDeccan project, together with James, in the Protector, bringing twohundred and fifty-five Bombay soldiers from Madras. Clive, alone, knew ofthe Directors' plan for the Deccan, and urged it on the Council. RamajeePunt was in Bombay urging them to complete the destruction of Angria, andinviting them to take possession of Bankote;[2] so they decided to devotethemselves to Gheriah, on the grounds that the Deccan expedition would bean infringement of the late agreement with the French.
Seeing that nothing was to be done in the Deccan, Watson tendered the
services of his squadron to assist in the reduction of Gheriah, and Cliveoffered to command the land forces. James was sent down in the Protector,with the Revenge and Guardian, with Sir William Hewitt, Watson's flaglieutenant, to reconnoitre and take soundings. Nothing was known ofGheriah. It was supposed to be as high, and as strong as Gibraltar. Likethat celebrated fortress, it stood on rocky ground at the end of apromontory, connected with the mainland by a narrow neck of ground, at themonth of a small estuary. James found that it was less formidable than ithad been represented, and that large ships could go close in. To prevent
Toolajee's ships from escaping, the Bridgewater ,Kingsfisher, and
Revenge were sent to blockade the place till the expedition was ready to
start.
On the 11th February, the whole force was assembled off Gheriah, a greaterarmament than had yet ever left Bombay harbour. In addition to Watson'ssquadron of six vessels, four of them line-of-battle ships, and displayingthe flags of two admirals, the Company's marine made a brave show ofeighteen ships, large and small, carrying two hundred and fourteen guns,besides twenty fishing-boats to land troops with, each carrying aswivel-gun in the bows. Between them they carried eight hundred Europeanand six hundred native troops. With Watson also went Captain Hough,superintendent of the Company's marine, as representative of the Council.
Part of the instructions given to Clive and Hough by the Council will bearrepeating.
"It is probable that Toolajee Angria may offer to capitulate, and
possibly offer a sum of money; but you are to consider that this
fellow is not on a footing with any prince in the known world, he
being a pirate in whom no confidence can be put, not only taking,
burning, and destroying ships of all nations, but even the vessels
belonging to the natives, which have his own passes, and for which he
has annually collected large sums of money. Should he offer any sumof
money it must be a very great one that will pay us for the many rich
ships he has taken (which we can't enumerate), besides the innumerable
other smaller vessels; but we well remember the _Charlotte_ bound from
hence to China, belonging to Madras; the _William_ belonging to Bombay,
from Bengal; the _Severn_, a Bengal freight ship for Bussorah, value
nine or ten lakhs of rupees; the _Derby_ belonging to the Hon'ble
Company, with the Grab _Restoration_, value Rs.5,22,743-4-6; the sloop
_Pilot_ and the _Augusta_; also the _Dadaboy_ from Surat, _Rose_ from
Mangalore, Grab _Anne_ from Gombroon, _Benjimolly_ from the Malabar
coast, and _Futte Dowlat_ from Muscat."
The Council were desirous of getting Toolajee into their own custody,
fearful that, if left in Mahratta hands, he would be set free before long,and the work would have to be done over again.
Before the expedition left Bombay, a council of war was held, to decide onthe division of spoils, between the sea and land forces. Such agreementswere common enough, on such occasions, in order to prevent subsequentdisputes and individual plundering. In settling the shares of the officers,the council decided that Clive and Chalmers, who was next to Clive incommand of the troops, should have shares equal to that of two captains ofKing's ships. To this Clive objected that,though as Lieutenant-Colonel,his share would, according to custom, be equal to that of a naval captain,
on this occasion, as Commander-in-Chief of the troops, it should be
greater, and ought not to be less than that of Rear-Admiral Pocock. The
council of war refused to agree to this, as the naval officers, who formedthe majority, could not be brought to consent. Like Drake, who wouldrather diminish his own portion than leave any of his people unsatisfied,Watson undertook to 'give the Colonel such a part of his share as willmake it equal to Rear-Admiral Pocock's;' and this was duly entered intheproceedings.
In the division of spoils, no mention is made of their Mahratta allies.
They were left out of account altogether, and the reason is not far to
seek. Experience had shown that, in the coming military operations, the
Mahrattas would count for nothing. All the hard knocks would fall on theEnglish, and it was but fair that they should have the prize-money; theMahrattas would gain a substantial benefit in the possession of Gheriah,which was to be made over to them after capture.
The arrangements for the command of the troops showed that the lessons ofthe last ten years of warfare against the French had borne fruit. The
command was left to those who made it their profession. Henceforth we hearno more of factors and writers strutting about in uniform, calling
themselves colonels and captains for a few weeks, and then returning to
their ledgers. We have done with the Midfords and the Browns. Out of thethirteen years he had served the Company, Clive had been a soldier foreleven. He had definitely abandoned his civil position, and had embraced amilitary career, and his merits had been recognized by the grant of aLieutenant-Colonel's commission from the King. The subordinate militaryofficers also had improved. The worst of them had been weeded out, andmany of them had learned their business under Lawrence in the Carnatic.Though much unnecessary interference still went on in quarters, they wereleft unfettered in the command of their men in the field.
A few hours after leaving Bombay, the expedition was overtaken by
despatches from Bourchier, with intelligence that the Mahrattas were
treating with Toolajee. On reaching Gheriah, they found the Mahratta army
encamped against it, and Ramajee Punt himself came off to tell the
commanders that, with a little patience, the fort would surrender withoutfiring a shot, as Toolajee was already in their hands and ready to treat.Alarmed at the great armament coming against him, and cowed by recentreverses, Toolajee had come as a suppliant into the Mahratta camp to tryif, by finesse and chicanery, he might escape utter destruction, while, inGheriah, he had left his brother-in-law with orders to defend it to thelast. The Peishwa's officers, on their side, were anxious to get the placeinto their hands without admitting the English to any share of the booty;
a design that was at once seen through by Hough and Watson. Ramajee
promised to bring Toolajee with him the following day, to show that he wasnot treating separately. Instead of doing so, he sent some subordinate
officers, together with some of Toolajee's relations, with excuses, to
keep Watson in play, while a large bribe was offered to Hough to induce
him to persuade the Admiral to suspend operations. Watson, who had alreadysummoned the fort to surrender, let them know that he would not wait verylong. They were taken to view the ship with its tiers of heavy guns, and,as a grim hint of what might be expected, he presented Toolajee's friendswith a thirty-two pound shot as they left the ship.
At half-past one in the afternoon, the flag of truce having returned with
the Governor's refusal to surrender, signal was made to weigh, and the
whole fleet stood into the harbour in three divisions, led by the
Kingsfisher, sloop, and the Bridgewater. The inner line, nearest to
the fort was formed by the line-of-battle ships and the Protector: the
Company's grabs and bombketches, with the Guardian, formed the second
line, while the gallivats and small vessels formed a third, outer line. As
the Kingsfishercame opposite the fort, a shot was fired at her. The
signal was made to engage, and as each ship reached its station it came toan anchor, the inner line being within musket-shot of the fort. Across themouth of the river, Toolajee's grabs were drawn up, among them being the
Restoration, the capture of which, six years before, had caused so muc
heart-burning in Bombay. As the heavy shot and shell came pouring in fromover one hundred and fifty guns at close range, the Gheriah defendersmanfully strove to repay the same with interest. But so terrific was thefire brought to bear on them, that it was impossible for them to lay theirguns properly. In that February afternoon many a cruel outrage wasexpiated under that hail of iron. After two hours' firing, a shell set the
Restoration_ on fire; it spread to the grabs, and before long the ngria
fleet,[3] that had been the terror of the coast for half a century, was in
a blaze. The boats were ordered out, and, as evening came on, Clive was
put on shore with the troops, and took up a position a mile and a half
from the fort. The Mahrattas joined him, and Toolajee, from whom the
Peishwa's people had extorted a promise to surrender the fort, found means
to send a letter into the place, warning his brother-in-law against
surrender to the English. In the fort all was terror and dismay, though
the Governor manfully did his duty. From the burning shipping the flames
spread to the bazaars and warehouses. All night the bombketches threw in
shells, while the conflagration continued. One square tower in the fort
burned with such violence as to resemble a fabric of red-hot iron in a
smithy.
Early next morning, Watson sent in a flag of truce again, but surrender
was still refused, so the line-of-battle ships were warped in and
recommenced firing; while Clive, who had approached the fort, battered it
from the land side. At four in the afternoon a magazine in the fort blew
up, and a white flag was hoisted. An officer was sent on shore, but the
Governor still attempted to evade surrender. He consented to admit five or
six men into the fort to hoist English colours, but would not definitelysurrender possession till next day. So fire was reopened, and in twentyminutes more the Angrian flag was hauled down for the last time, and thelast shred of Angrian independence had ceased to exist.
Sixty men, under Captains Forbes and Buchanan, were marched up to hold thegate for the night. A body of the Peishwa's troops tried to gain admission,and offered the officers a bill on Bombay for a lakh of rupees to allowthem to pass in. The offer was rejected, but the Peishwa's officer stillcontinued to press in, till Forbes faced his men about, and, drawing hissword, swore he would cut him down if he persisted.
The following morning, the fort was taken possession of by Clive. The
success had been gained at the cost of about twenty men killed and wounded.
Ramajee Punt at once made a formal demand for the fort to be given up tohim. Watson, in return, demanded that Toolajee should be made over intoEnglish custody. Meanwhile, a hunt for the treasure secreted in differentplaces went on. "Every day hitherto has been productive of some newdiscoveries of treasure, plate, and jewels, etc.," wrote Hough three dayslater. Altogether about one hundred and thirty thousand pounds' worth ofgold, silver, and jewels were secured, and divided between the land andsea forces. True to his promise, Watson sent Clive a thousand pounds tomake his share equal to Pocock's. Clive sent it back again. He wassatisfied with the acknowledgment of his claim, but would not take whatcame out of Watson's private purse. "Thus did these two gallant officerendeavour to outvie each other in mutual proofs of disinterestedness andgenerosity," wrote Ives in his narrative. A thousand pounds was a largersum then than it would be now, and Clive was a poor man at the time, buthe was never greedy of money. The incident justifies his boast, longafterwards, of his moderation when the treasures of Bengal were at hismercy. It is allowable to suppose that it strengthened the mutual respect
of both, and facilitated their co-operation in Bengal, a year later.Itwas a fortunate thing for England that Watson was not a man of Matthews'stamp.
The Europeans in Toolajee's service appear to have left him before the
attack began, as no mention is made of them; but ten Englishmen and three
Dutchmen were found in the place, in a state of slavery, and released.
In delivering over Bankote, the Mahrattas had failed to give, with the
fort, the five villages according to agreement. The Council were desirous
of having Toolajee in their own keeping, so they refused to give over
Gheriah, and for some months a wrangle went on concerning the points in
dispute. The Council proposed that they should retain Gheriah and give up
Bankote. The Peishwa taunted the Council with breach of faith, and refused
to give up Toolajee. The squabble was at last settled by the Mahrattas
engaging to give ten villages near Bankote, and that Toolajee should not
receive any territory within forty miles of the sea. On these conditions
Gheriah was delivered over. Toolajee, instead of being given any territory,
was kept a prisoner for the rest of his life. Some years afterwards, his
sons made their escape, and sought refuge in Bombay.
With the fall of Gheriah, the heavy cloud that had so long hung over
Bombay trade was dispelled. Thenceforward none but the smallest vessels
had anything to fear on the coast south of Bombay, though another
half-century elapsed before the Malwans were compelled to give up piracy.
The Sanganians continued to be troublesome, at times, till they too werefinally reduced to order in 1816, after more than one expedition had beensent against them. Persian Gulf piracy continued to flourish till 1835,when it was brought to an end by a happy combination of arms and diplomacy.
On Shooter's Hill, adjoining Woolwich Common, the tower of Severndroog,
erected by James's widow to commemorate his great achievement, forms a
conspicuous landmark in the surrounding country. Here, in sight of the
spot where the bones of Kidd and his associates long hung in chains as aterror to evil-doers, there still lingers a breath of that long struggleagainst the Angrian pirates, and of its triumphant conclusion.
"This far-seen monumental tow'r
Records the achievements of the brave,
And Angria's subjugated pow'r,
Who plundered on the Eastern wave."
"Walks through London," David Hughson.
[1] Properly Suvarna Droog, 'the Golden Fortress.'
[2] Bankote was made over on the 6th December, and the British flag
hoisted there on the 10th January, 1756.
[3] Three three-masted ships carrying twenty guns each; nine two-masted,
carrying from twelve to sixteen guns; thirteen gallivats, carrying
from six to ten guns; thirty others unclassed; two on the stocks,
one of them pierced for forty guns.
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